600页
400奈米
短语
背景(考古学)
语义整合
负效应
心理学
自然语言处理
计算机科学
语法
动词短语
语言学
语义学(计算机科学)
认知心理学
语义记忆
认知
名词
名词短语
事件相关电位
人工智能
古生物学
哲学
语义网
神经科学
生物
程序设计语言
语义Web堆栈
作者
Angela D. Friederici,Karsten Steinhauer,Stefan Frisch
摘要
Both semantic and syntactic context constraints can influence word processing at the level of lexical integration. In event-related brain potentials (ERPs), semantic integration is reflected by a negativity around 400 msec (N400), whereas phrase structure assignment and syntactic integration are assumed to be reflected by an early left anterior negativity and a late positivity (P600), respectively. An ERP study is presented in which participants read different types of sentences whose terminal verb was either congruent with the preceding context or incongruent due to a phrase structure violation, a semantic violation, or both. The main finding was that only the pure semantic violation condition, but not the combined semantic and syntactic violation condition, elicited a large N400. The two conditions containing phrase structure violations were predominantly characterized by a P600. Both semantic violation conditions, moreover, displayed a late negativity around 700 msec that overlapped with the P600 in the double violation condition. The absence of an N400 effect for elements that are syntactically as well as semantically incongruent with prior context suggests an early influence of phrase structure information on processes of lexical-semantic integration. The present data are discussed in comparison to previous ERP findings, and a new view of lexical integration processes is proposed.
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